New Thai Policies Not Junta-Friendly

BURMA: New Thai Policies Not Junta-Friendly
By Marwaan Macan-Markar

BANGKOK, Dec 30 (IPS) - If Burma's military regime is showing signs of worry about the change of guard that has taken place in neighbouring Thailand, there are good reasons.

Thailand's new coalition government in Thailand, headed by the Democrat Party, plans to unveil a Burma policy that is expected to be a break from what has largely prevailed since 2001 -- where Bangkok pampered the junta with diplomatic niceties and offered a protective shield against international criticism.

Kasit Piromya, the new foreign minister, spelled out what the Burmese junta could soon expect during a conference for academics and diplomats held at a university here on the eve of his appointment. ''We are a democratic society, an open society, and our foreign policy should reflect this,'' said Kasit, a veteran diplomat who has served in major capitals, including Washington D.C. and Tokyo.

''No personal business deals will shape our foreign policy. Our government will not mix business and politics,'' he added. ''When there are no business deals with the military junta, we can talk. We will not be blackmailed by economic interests.''

Kasit also asserted that Thailand will observe human rights and environmental concerns. ''We shall treat the Burmese as we do Thais. We will not do anything to jeopardise the Burmese community.''

Such language is rooted in the diplomatic policies of previous governments headed by the Democrat Party, the last of which was from 1997 till 2000. When the Democrats were last in power, their foreign policy was firm and had a clear direction aimed to be in accordance with international norms, says Kavi Chongkittavorn, a senior editor and columnist on regional affairs at 'The Nation,' an English-language daily.

The last Democrat-led coalition maintained Thailand's support for democracy in Burma, Kavi told IPS. It was also during that period that Thailand became one of the few countries that placed human rights as a pillar of its foreign policy.

In fact that government, headed by former prime minister Chuan Leekpai, did not conceal its reservations towards the Burmese junta known for its oppressive rule and human rights violations.

On one occasion, the Chuan administration refused to fall in line behind Burma's military leaders following a 1999 attack by Burmese dissidents on the country's embassy in Bangkok. The Thai government described the dissidents as students fighting for democracy, much to the rage of the Burmese generals who had condemned them as terrorists.

Another piece of symbolism was the refusal by Chuan to visit Burma during his term in office. Such coldness towards an immediate neighbour contrasted with the customary visits he made to other members of the regional, 10-member Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN).

In fact, the Chuan administration took the lead in pursuing a Burma policy aimed at influencing democratic change, which, at the time, appeared more assertive than the ASEAN approach. This policy, unveiled in mid-1999, was dubbed flexible engagement.

On the other hand, ASEAN, whose members include Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam, in addition to Thailand and Burma, was more content with a policy of constructive engagement. This regional policy served to cushion Burma from international criticism and was defended in South-east Asian capitals as a more prudent way of prodding the Burmese military towards democratic reform.

But a new foreign policy chapter between Thailand and Burma, or Myanmar as the junta renamed the country, emerged in 2001. It came with the electoral triumph that year of the Thai Rak Thai (Thais Love Thai TRT) party, led by the billionaire telecommunications tycoon Thaksin Shinawatra.

Within months Thaksin, the new premier, revealed his affinity for business opportunities in Burma at the expense of pushing for democratic reforms and strengthening human rights. Bangkok's warmer ties towards its neighbour were described as forward engagement.

This shift paved the way for high-level visits between the leaders of the two countries, new business ventures in Burma with investments coming from Thailand and a more assertive defence of Burma's international critics by Bangkok. Burma, in fact, was described as Thailand's best friend by a ranking member of the Thaksin government early in this relationship.

Such ties did not fray during the over five years of the TRT administration, when, on many occasions, human rights violations by the Burmese regime were condemned by the rest of ASEAN. In 2003, the Thaksin administration was the only government in South-east Asia that came to the junta's rescue following its brutal assault and subsequent detention of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

A similar defence of the junta was mounted in early 2008 by Samak Sundaravej, the prime minister who headed a coalition government led by the People Power Party, a successor to the TRT, which was dissolved due to election malpractice in 2007. When interviewed on a Thai television channel about the brutality in Burma, Samak shot back: ''Killings and suppression are normal there''.

The end of such a policy of appeasement is going down well with Burma's pro-democracy activists living in exile in Thailand. ''It would mean a lot if Thailand helps with the democratisation process in Burma after so many years,'' says Soe Aung, spokesman for the Forum for Democracy in Burma, a network of Burmese political activists living inside the military-ruled country and beyond.

''We welcome the principled stand of the new Thai government towards Burma,'' he added in an interview. ''The junta must be having nightmares after learning that the Democrat Party is now in power.'' (END/2008)